If President Bush follows through with his controversial plan to set up
a defensive missile shield in two former Warsaw Pact countries, years
from now historians will ask which came first: the missile shield to
protect Western allies from rogue states, or a coalition of rogue
states assembled by Russia to counter the missile shield proposed by
the United States?
Russia's President Vladimir Putin said he would respond to the U.S.
plan by pointing Russian missiles at Western European cities. In the
unlikely event this highly explosive tit-for-tat were to develop into a
new arms race, Mr. Putin knows that despite Russia's newly found wealth
thanks to the rising price of oil, Moscow would have a hard time
matching the U.S. dollar for dollar.
"The West does not have an effective strategy of dealing with the
challenges posed by Russian President Vladimir Putin," said Andrei
Illarionov, Mr. Putin's former economic adviser and G-8 sherpa, now a
Cato Institute senior fellow.
"Russians are not so stupid as to match the U.S. system-by-system
because the U.S. has an economy that is 13 times bigger than Russia's
economy," Ariel Cohen, a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation, told
United Press International.
"The Russians will confront the U.S. in an asymmetrical fashion,"
said Mr. Cohen. "And that is through using energy resources as the new
instruments of foreign policy and political insolence, through
supporting the anti-American forces around the world."
Having learned from the Cold War that a direct confrontation with
the United States is expensive and ultimately lost that war for Soviet
Russia, the Russians could instead challenge the United States
indirectly. As an example, Mr. Cohen argued the Russians could build a
new coalition of "rogue states" including Iran, Venezuela, possibly
Cuba and North Korea and Syria -- and in the process make U.S. life
miserable. The Russians also could try to play the Chinese card against
the U.S. The Heritage scholar notes the irony of such a move by Moscow.
"Whichever future coalition may be created, Russia is doomed to
play second fiddle to China," said Mr. Cohen. "If China becomes a part
of this coalition, Russia will play second fiddle, and if the coalition
does not include China it will probably not have the critical mass to
severely obstruct U.S. foreign policy."
Still, Mr. Bush's plan to install a system of "defensive missiles"
in the Czech Republic and Poland has the Russians seeing red.
The U.S. president's attempts at placating the Russian president
seem to fall on deaf ears; Mr. Bush told Mr. Putin that the missile
shield is intended to protect the United States and its European Allies
from rogue states -- read Iran, now on its way to acquiring nuclear
capability. And if Tehran equipped its Shehab-3 missiles with nuclear
warheads, it could strike any European city within a range of about
1,300 kilometers, or 880 miles -- or any city in Israel for that
matter.
"Vladimir, you shouldn't fear a missile defense system," Mr. Bush
told Mr. Putin. "It is purely a defensive measure, not aimed at Russia
but at true threats." But there is also more to this "Cuban missile
crisis" in reverse than meets the eye. As Mr. Cohen, an expert on
Russian affairs elucidates, there's a very important domestic component
to this story.
"There is competition for Putin's mantle for succession and by
putting out signals that Russia is confronting foreign and domestic
enemies, I think Putin is signaling that he's going to support a more
security-minded faction as opposed to a more economic-minded fraction."
But Washington should not blind itself to the realities of modern
Russia, one that has adopted a free market economy. Indeed, there are
many hidden dangers with Mr. Bush's missile plan: The economic factor
is not the least. Ultimately, it was the Soviet Union's inability to
keep up with U.S. military spending that finally bankrupted the Soviet
Union.
While the United States is involved in fighting two wars in Iraq
and Afghanistan -- at a cost of $811 billion to date -- Washington
should be careful not to fall into the very trap it set for Soviet
Russia at the height of the Cold War.
Original
Source
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